By Yves Engler
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103 The Royal Bank’s best customer was Canadian businessman William Van Horne’s Cuba Company and its offspring, the Cuba Railroad. S. S. S. ”105 Van Horne also benefited from Cuba’s postwar railway law. 107 With a wave of foreign investment into Cuba, business was good for the Royal Bank. ”109 A quarter century later, Canadian banks still controlled 28 percent of total deposits in commercial Cuban banks. S. 113 Ottawa’s focus on Canadian commercial interests helps explain the embassy’s attitude to the pro-capitalist dictator, General Fulgencio Batista.
To retain power. Until its dissolution by the Aristide government in 1995 this army never fought a foreign power. Its sole function was to repress the domestic population. S. S. police trainers and Washington responded by withholding aid. Historically the Haitian elite and their foreign backers have had near absolute control over the country’s armed forces. This control was severely weakened by 2004. S. S. support of course). The re-establishment of elite control over the police force was accomplished almost entirely under the radar of the media.
147 In the poorest neighbourhoods, where opposition to the coup was strongest, registration centres were few and far between. On Ottawa’s initiative the International Mission for Monitoring Haitian Elections (IMMHE) was organized in June of 2005. The IMMHE was chaired by the then chief electoral officer of Elections Canada, Jean-Pierre Kingsley. After widespread fraud in the counting, including thousands of ballots found burned in a dump, the country was gripped by social upheaval. ”148 Kingsley’s statement went on to laud Jacques Bernard, the head of the electoral council despite the fact that Bernard had already been widely derided as corrupt and biased even by other members of the coup government’s electoral council.