By Françoise Boucek
Drawing on theories of neo-institutionalism to teach how associations form dissident behaviour, Boucek develops new methods of measuring factionalism and explains its results on workplace tenure. In all the 4 instances - from Britain, Canada, Italy and Japan - intra-party dynamics are analyzed via instances sequence and rational selection tools.
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Drawing on theories of neo-institutionalism to teach how associations form dissident behaviour, Boucek develops new methods of measuring factionalism and explains its results on place of work tenure. In all of the 4 instances - from Britain, Canada, Italy and Japan - intra-party dynamics are analyzed via instances sequence and rational selection instruments.
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Additional resources for Factional Politics: How Dominant Parties Implode or Stabilize
There are times when parties need to reposition policies to win new tranches of voters at the risk of polarising politics and party opinion. Downsian competition predicts that parties will compete to accommodate voters’ preferences by converging on the median voter’s position, which under two-party dynamics is expected to be located somewhere close to the centre of the political spectrum (Downs, 1957: 95–138). In practice, however, parties may prefer to move away from the political centre ground to accommodate changes in electoral tastes, reshape voters’ preferences or reorient the political agenda, even under two-party dynamics.
37 cycle of factionalism which may end in party implosion as in the case of the DC in the early 1990s. In sum, factionalism is the partitioning of a political party into sub-groups that, depending on incentives, become more or less institutionalised and engage in collective action to achieve their members’ particular objectives, usually changing the status quo in a given party. Factions provide a structure for intraparty competition. They are seen as support coalitions for actual or putative party leaders (Giannetti and Laver, 2009) but their degree of institutionalisation depends on systemic and party-speciﬁc incentives.
Schattschneider and other political scientists have suggested that party disunity is the inevitable by-product of too much success (Schattschneider, 1942; Golombiewski, 1958; Duverger, 1964: 312; 38 Factional Politics Sartori, 1976: 86). For instance, Hatschek claims (as reported by Duverger) that ‘every domination bears within itself the seeds of its own destruction’ (Duverger, 1964: 312). Golombiewski asserts that ‘party cohesion is a direct function of the degree of competition between political parties’ (Golombiewski, 1958: 501) and Sartori says that ‘when a party ﬁnds for itself an electorally safe situation, party unity tends to give way to sub-party disunity’ (Sartori, 1976: 86).