By C. Culleton
FBI leader J. Edgar Hoover used to be passionate about literary modernism. And nobody represented that burgeoning stream higher than James Joyce. in the end, Joyce's contributions to fashionable literature are extraordinary, and he's broadly considered as having penned the best novel of the 20th century. yet Hoover's fixation on Joyce was once of a special style altogether, one fueled via extreme paranoia and worry. Joyce and the G-Men is the tale of Hoover's research of James Joyce and all that Joyce represented to vacuum as a infamous glossy author and cultural icon. Hoover's notorious preoccupation with political radicalism, specially communism, affected writers, intellectuals, activists, and artists not just in the USA, yet in different countries. Culleton info how Hoover controlled to manage literary modernism at a time while the circulation used to be spreading speedy within the fingers of a tender, vivid number of overseas writers, editors, and publishers. Culleton exhibits how Hoover, for greater than fifty years, manipulated the connection among nation strength and sleek literature in the course of his tenure within the Bureau. eventually, Joyce and the G-Men strains Hoover's occupation and divulges his doggedly continual intervention into essentially the most vital serious activities of his time, literary modernism.
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Additional info for Joyce and the G-Men: J. Edgar Hoover's Manipulation of Modernism
Example text
7 Hoover even grew to suspect there was collusion among American publishers who agreed not to publish anticommunist works, and among book reviewers, who gave negative reviews or worse, ignored, such books (Theoharis, Secret Files, 311). What Hoover seemed to fear most was the ultimate effect art might have on the masses, and he did not know or understand what modern art could lead to. Modern art, so deliberately nonrepresentational, confused early twentieth century viewers and readers. One apocryphal story that made the rounds at this time poked fun of Picasso’s abstractions: “Picasso replied to a lady who wanted her portrait done and asked him for an appointment for a sitting [that] ‘You need only send me a lock of hair and your necklace’” (Hall and Wykes, 118).
As Schutz describes, the climate after the Palmer Raids encouraged brute vigilantism on the part of American citizens. Christine Stansell notes, for example, “soldiers and sailors based in New York led roving mobs looking for radicals to intimidate” (American Moderns, 314). Schools, too, were subjected to raids in the wake of post–World War I antiradical hysteria. The Rand School, for example, a workers’ school founded in 1906 with some 90 students, was investigated for subversive activities, raided for confiscable material, and subjected to a series of police interferences and mob attacks.
The bureau would have noticed the sea shift, as well, and its attention to college campuses and on the reading lists of certain professors would lead eventually to HUAC investigations of college instructors who were scrutinized for what they taught and what they required their students to read. Hoover looked suspiciously at all “molders of public opinion,” domestic or international, and he focused inordinate energy on the writers. In a declassified internal memoranda, for example, he lists as dangerous and subversive “prominent columnists, editors, commentators, authors, et cetera, which could be influencing such slanted views” (Mitgang, 17; Robins, 183).