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By Keith Krause, Michael C. Williams

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Cassidy and Gregory A. , Real Security: Con- 30 SIMON DALBY verting the Defense Economy and Building Peace (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993). 63. 4. 64. , Threats without Enemies: Facing Environmental Insecurity (London: Earthscan, 1993). 65. , Contested Grounds: Security and Conflict in the New Environmental Politics (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996). 66. Mary Kaldor, The Imaginary War: Understanding the East-West Conflict (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990). 67.

S. 36 Key to understanding the processes of perestroika and Mikhail Gorbachev's innovative foreign policy was a clear decision that the Leninist strategic code, concerning the likelihood of war triggered by imperialist ambitions and crises, no longer held. The assumption that the superpower relationship could be managed politically rather than militarily is crucial to what subsequently transpired. These innovations occurred before the economic collapse and political implosion of Soviet power. 38 The significance of 12 SIMON DALBY not paying attention to the changing social constitution of Soviet security policy is that it supports Western triumphalist scriptings of the end of the Cold War.

National Security Council document NSC-68, the key policy formulation that articulated the American national security interest in terms of a military threat from the Soviet Union in 1950. 33 The Nsc-68 was a deliberate choice to conduct politics in a certain discursive framework. Second, a quarter of a century later, in the 19705 during the policies of detente, the Cold War geopolitical precepts were no longer the unchallenged premises of policy formulation in Washington. S. 36 Key to understanding the processes of perestroika and Mikhail Gorbachev's innovative foreign policy was a clear decision that the Leninist strategic code, concerning the likelihood of war triggered by imperialist ambitions and crises, no longer held.

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