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By Giuliano Bocci

This publication offers an experimental and theoretical research of the interaction among info constitution, note order alternations, and prosody in Italian. Left/right dislocations, concentration fronting, and different reordering phenomena are analyzed, making an allowance for their morphosyntactic and prosodic homes. it really is argued constrained set of discourse-related homes are inserted within the numeration as formal good points. those discourse-related positive aspects force the syntactic derivation and the formation of the prosodic illustration in compliance with the T-model of grammar. in accordance with the cartographic process, this examine proposes a version of the syntax–prosody interface during which the phonological computation of prosody is fed by means of syntactically encoded houses of knowledge constitution. even though, this computation can be ruled by means of structural necessities intrinsic to the phonological area, and therefore, a bijective relation among info constitution and prosodic illustration isn't assured. The monograph should be of curiosity to any linguist fascinated with syntax, details constitution, and prosody.

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Extra resources for The Syntax-Prosody Interface: A cartographic perspective with evidence from Italian

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B. –B: Veronica ho invitato. ’ c. –B′: Ho invitato Veronica. 27 Consider (34). (34) a. –A: b. –B: c. –B′: Chi ha parlato? /* VERONICA ha parlato. ’ Ha parlato VERONICA. ’ When a subject conveying informational focus co-occurs with a full DP direct object, the word order VSIFocO (without object clitic) is ruled out, while VOSIFoc is available under specific conditions (I refer the reader to Belletti 2004a: 34–36). When the subject conveys informational focus in transitive constructions, a full DP object is required to undergo topicalization: a direct object following a focused subject is natural only if it is a RDed Topic, as signaled by the mandatory occurrence of the object clitic on the verb.

Beh, quando Leo l’hanno promosso, Maria ha fatto una scenata. ’ 32. For the sake of brevity, I provide an example of Right Roof Constraint violation only for the example in (41), but the same conclusion holds for each example in (41)–(45). Chapter 2. The right periphery of the clause Although instances of RD preceding focus may occur more naturally in complex utterances, RDed Topics can precede focus even within a single clause. Consider examples (49)–(51). ’ (50) a. –A: Ma com’è che ci sono anche tuo fratello e la sua ragazza?

The right periphery of the clause instances of RD are immediately preceded by focus. Or even more notably, nothing a priori prevents RDed Topics from preceding focus. As a matter of fact, it is possible to find several cases in which RDed Topics precede the occurrence of focus. In complex utterances, for instance, it is quite natural to find such configurations, as shown by the following examples. I have marked the location of the focal prominence to clarify the relevant interpretation for the current discussion.

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