By Thomas Hylland Eriksen
In Ethnicity and Nationalism, Thomas Hylland Eriksen demonstrates that faraway from being an immutable estate of teams, ethnicity is a dynamic and transferring point of social relationships. Drawing on a variety of vintage and up to date reports in anthropology and sociology, Eriksen examines the connection among ethnicity, category, gender and nationhood, in addition to present problems with racism, globalization and multiculturalism. Influential theories are awarded and severely in comparison in a lucid and finished demeanour. A center textual content for all scholars of social anthropology and comparable matters, Ethnicity and Nationalism has been a number one creation to the sphere on account that its unique book in 1993. New themes during this version comprise cultural estate rights, the position of genetics within the public knowing of id, commercialisation of id, and the importance of the net.
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Extra resources for Ethnicity and Nationalism: Anthropological Perspectives: Third Edition (Anthropology, Culture and Society)
The man insists that he is not a Ndebele but a Ngoni, but the woman does not pay him back. (Mitchell, 1956: 39–40) In this situation, the Lozi woman insisted that a Ngoni was for practical purposes ‘the same’ as a Ndebele and could therefore be dealt with in the standardised way, whereas the man insisted that he was certainly not Ndebele. He challenged the validity of her taxonomic extension including the Ngoni in the same general category as the Ndebele. Similarly, London Brahmins might feel offended if they were to be treated, by native English people, in the same standardised way as black Londoners of Jamaican origin.
Similarly, London Brahmins might feel offended if they were to be treated, by native English people, in the same standardised way as black Londoners of Jamaican origin. In such a situation the Brahmins would be challenging the English taxonomic category of ‘immigrant’ or ‘minority’, insisting that there were socially relevant differences between kinds of immigrants. In other interethnic situations where identity is negotiated, the issue may rather be whether or not to make ethnic identity relevant.
Unlike the transhumant Sami of the mountain tundra of northern Scandinavia, the Sami of the Norwegian Arctic coast are not reindeer herders. Like the Norwegians who live in the same area, they obtain their livelihood from fishing and marginal agriculture. The two populations have been in contact for many centuries. They occupy the same economic niche, they live in the same kinds of houses, wear the same kind of clothing and practise the same Protestant religion. Upon arriving in one of these mixed communities, Eidheim (1969, 1971) looked in vain for cultural traits distinguishing Sami from Norwegians.