By Yaroslav Bilinsky
After in brief facing arguments for and opposed to NATO's expansion so far as Poland, the Czech Republic, and Hungary, the writer indicates why the expansion technique has to be carried ahead to incorporate, within the close to destiny, the 3 Baltic States (Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania) and Ukraine. Inclusion of the Baltic States and of Ukraine in NATO may stabilize the area by way of aiding the Russian democrats to be aware of development a really democratic, market-oriented Russian nationwide nation, rather than succumbing to the temptation to revive the Soviet Union. Ukraine may also give a contribution to NATO a large traditional army strength and a first-rate strategic sector; the Baltic States provide a main situation and an indomitable spirit. The Balts and Ukraine may also help NATO whilst eventually admitted as complete members.Using polling facts, published fabric, and interviews with Lithuanian and Ukrainian diplomats, the publication convincingly indicates the stability of the Baltic and Ukrainian safety ambitions with no glossing over a few problems, either inner and exterior.
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Additional info for Endgame in NATO's Enlargement: The Baltic States and Ukraine
In the first instance, all the C & EE states of the unified region that are candidates for NATO membership should be invited to begin direct discussions on membership. . ’ ’’22 This is a very good argument that tries to forestall the danger of the Baltic states being negotiated out of any realistic admission to NATO, while the negotiations with Russia ostensibly deal only with the position of the first tranche states. ) At the same time, as I will try to show later, Ambassador Stankievicˇ ius may have been too restrictive in leaving out Ukraine, which is different from the smaller Belarus and Moldova: Ukraine is increasingly showing its intentions of joining the European political and security structures and of gradually withdrawing from the CIS.
Central and Eastern Europe are crucial to an allEuropean system of security and stability. As long as we cannot forge stability in this part of Europe, there will be no stability for the whole of Europe—Yugoslavia unfortunately proves that. . 22 Miss Jung did not press Tarasyuk to relate his concept to that of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE); Tarasyuk himself did refer to the unsuccessful Ukrainian initiative of February 1993 to create a loosely organized zone of stability and security in Central and Eastern Europe, which was partly taken up in the equally unsuccessful proposal by French Foreign Minister Balladur in April 1993.
But if you cannot maintain perfect balance, which way do you tilt? 19 This new structure would be based on ‘‘equal democratic partnership,’’ and Ukraine would become its full-fledged member. S. policy in Bosnia (in the late summer of 1995, we started bombing the Serbs in all seriousness, without informing the Russians beforehand, which mightily displeased Yeltsin, but eventually led the Serbs to the Dayton agreement). It reflects the thinking in some Ukrainian quarters and may have been representative of the official foreign policy of Ukraine in the second half of 1994, but no longer in 1998.