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By Harvey Starr (eds.)

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Extra resources for Approaches, Levels, and Methods of Analysis in International Politics: Crossing Boundaries

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The coefficient on the democratic 30 TODD L. ALLEE AND PAUL K. 3 (Model 3). 132. In performing all predicted probability calculations, all variables but the variable of interest are held at their median values. dyad variable flip flops from positive to negative across models 1 and 3. The second hypothesis (DN2) was that democratic leaders would be more likely than their nondemocratic counterparts to respond to prior stalemates in negotiations by shifting to a policy of reciprocal concessions resulting in a greater chance of settlement agreements.

A greater level of respect for the rule of law and legal institutions in regulating political competition and in resolving political conflicts; and 3. a greater willingness to compromise with political opposition. A third premise of the democratic norms approach is that norms of political bargaining accepted by political leaders in situations of domestic political conflict and competition should also shape the bargaining strategies adopted by these leaders in international disputes. The reason for expecting this is that well-established political norms are viewed as constituting fundamental components of a political elite’s belief system about how to manage political conflict.

Instead, it would seem advantageous to manage the domestic controversy of reaching a settlement agreement by moving more slowly through a sequence of negotiations, in which limited progress provides an opportunity to the government to prepare domestic audiences for more substantial concessions in a final agreement. To capture the states’ history of past stalemates in previous rounds of negotiations, we code a variable that captures the number of consecutive negotiated stalemates that have occurred in the past five years.

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